Traci Ardren's Ancient Maya Women PDF
By Traci Ardren
The flood of archaeological paintings in Maya lands has revolutionized our knowing of gender in old Maya society. The dozen individuals to this quantity use quite a lot of methodological strategies―archaeology, bioarchaeology, iconography, ethnohistory, epigraphy, ethnography―to tease out the main points of the lives, activities, and identities of girls of Mesoamerica. The chapters, so much dependent upon contemporary fieldwork in valuable the US, study the function of girls in Maya society, their position within the political hierarchy and lineage constructions, the gendered department of work, and the discrepancy among idealized Mayan womanhood and the day-by-day fact, between different subject matters. In every one case, the complexities and nuances of gender family is highlighted and the constraints of our wisdom stated. those items characterize an immense enhance within the figuring out of Maya socioeconomic, political, and cultural life―and the archaeology of gender―and may be of significant curiosity to students and scholars.
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This chapter has been in process since 1998, and many people deserve my thanks. I thank Traci Ardren for her commitment and editorial advice. Wendy Ashmore and John Lucy have advised me since I began with this research in my dissertation and were there pushing me to the very end. Ellen Bell, Jim Brown, Clark Erickson, Mark Kenoyer, Bill Middleton, Linda Neff, Anne Pyburn, Jerry Sabloff, Bob Sharer, Gabrielle Vail, and Jason Yaeger provided invaluable assistance along the way. Earlier versions of this essay were presented at the 2000 Society for Economic Anthropology meetings in Bloomington, Indiana, at the Anthropology Department at the University of Wisconsin-Madison (by invitation of Jason Yaeger), and at the Gender Studies Program at Northwestern University (by invitation of Micaela diLeonardo).
Redfield suggests that the culturally determined gender roles "have shown in Yucatan a high degree of resistance to change" (194 I: 174). 2). Male children between the ages four and twenty-three spend 20 percent of their agricultural activities weeding, 7 percent planting, 38 percent harvesting, and 10 percent performing related agricultural tasks. Female children spend 9 percent of their agricultural work weeding, 5 percent planting, 19 percent harvesting, and 24 percent of the time performing related activities such as processing seed for planting, transporting goods between village and milpa, monitoring crops, and hunting and trapping vermin.
Women do participate, although not equally, in planting, weeding, and harvesting activities even in far fields. Women's input in later stages of swidden production is necessary for completing the production process (Hanks 1990; Palerm 1967; Redfield and Villa Rojas 1934; Robin 1999). Where swidden fields are located over a day's walk from the home, men will go to these fields for periods of time, leaving the rest of the family at home (Redfield and Villa Rojas 1934; Steggerda 1941). The predominance of male work over female work in the agricultural process is reversed in Yucatec house-lot orchards/gardens.
Ancient Maya Women by Traci Ardren